{"id":4037,"date":"2021-04-19T10:08:42","date_gmt":"2021-04-19T10:08:42","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/desteptati.ro\/?p=4037"},"modified":"2021-04-19T10:08:42","modified_gmt":"2021-04-19T10:08:42","slug":"victoria-definitiva-a-lui-gheorghe-ghiorghiu-dej","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/desteptati-va.ro\/index.php\/2021\/04\/19\/victoria-definitiva-a-lui-gheorghe-ghiorghiu-dej\/","title":{"rendered":"Victoria definitiva a lui Gheorghe Ghiorghiu-Dej"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\n \t<\/i> Read Time:<\/span>6 Minute, 7 Second <\/div>\n\n <\/div>

Invazia sovietica din 4 noiembrie 1956 in Ungaria l-a facut pe Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej sa in\u021beleaga, vazind cu ce usurinta Kremlinul schimbase pe liderii de Budapesta in func\u021bie de interesele sovietice, ca se impunea ca\u0219tigarea sprijinului popula\u021biei, plecarea trupelor sovietice din Romania dar si existen\u021ba unui raport adecvat intre componen\u021ba etnica a conducerii de partid \u0219i componen\u021ba etnica a \u021barii.<\/h4>\r\n

Pentru a desf\u0103\u015fura aceast\u0103 politic\u0103, Gheorghiu-Dej trebuia mai \u00eent\u00e2i s\u0103-i elimine\u00a0 pe cei doi adversari, care \u00ee\u015fi descoperiser\u0103 bateriile \u00eendat\u0103 dup\u0103 Congresul al XX-lea al PCUS_ Miron Constantinescu \u015fi Iosif Chi\u015finevschi. A\u015fa cum s-a ar\u0103tat, cei doi stalini\u015fti \u00eembr\u0103caser\u0103 \u0163inuta unor „liberali” , critici ai practicilor staliniste (av\u00e2nd, probabil, \u015fi binecuv\u00e2ntarea lui Hru\u015fciov).<\/h4>\r\n

At\u00e2t timp c\u00e2t pozi\u0163ia lui Hru\u015fciov r\u0103m\u00e2nea puternic\u0103, \u00eendep\u0103rtarea celor doi rebeli, afla\u0163i pe o platform\u0103 hru\u015fciovist\u0103, era dificil\u0103. Prin canale ce r\u0103m\u00e2n deocamdat\u0103 \u00een obscuritate, Gheorghiu-Dej a aflat – se pare – de ac\u0163iunea grupului Molotov-Malenkov-Kaganovici, ce preg\u0103tea debarcarea lui Hru\u015fciov (urma ca el s\u0103 devin\u0103 ministru al Agriculturii) , folosindu-se de \u015firul de agita\u0163ii \u015fi tulbur\u0103ri provocate de politica de destalinizare.<\/h4>\r\n

Atacul lui Gheorghiu-Dej \u00eempotriva lui Miron Constantinescu \u015fi Iosif Chi\u015finevschi a fost preg\u0103tit exact de pe aceea\u015fi pozi\u0163ie – \u015fi cu acelea\u015fi \u00eenvinuiri – ca ale grupului antihru\u015fciovist de la Moscova \u00eempotriva lui Hru\u015fciov.<\/h4>\r\n

\u00cen timp ce la Moscova Hru\u015fciov era pe punctul de a pierde b\u0103t\u0103lia \u00een cadrul Prezidiului CC (numele de atunci al Biroului Politic), Gheorghiu-Dej supunea criticii pe cei doi \u00een Plenara CC, desf\u0103\u015furat\u0103 \u00een acela\u015fi timp. C\u00e2nd ofensiva \u00eempotriva \u00eempotriva lui Miron \u015fi Io\u015fca era pe punctul de a fi \u00eencheiat\u0103 cu succes, de la Moscova a venit vestea c\u0103 Hru\u015fciov, sprijinit de armat\u0103 \u015fi securitate , a deplasat confruntarea din Prezidiul CC \u00een Plenara CC, unde, cu un larg sprijin, a zdrobit grupul „antipartinic”. Maestru al echilibristicii politice, Gheorghiu-Dej a ad\u0103ugat criticilor modelate pe orientarea antihru\u015fciovist\u0103 \u015fi pe cele aduse de \u00eenving\u0103torul Hru\u015fciov adversarilor s\u00eei \u00eenfr\u00e2n\u0163i. Cei doi – Miron \u015fi Io\u015fca – au ap\u0103rut \u00een strania postur\u0103 de dogmatici \u015fi liberali, \u00een acela\u015fi timp.<\/h4>\r\n

Pozi\u0163ia lui Gheorghiu-Dej s-a consolidat, \u00een anul urm\u0103tor, odat\u0103 cu retragerea trupelor sovietice din Rom\u00e2nia. A\u015fa cum s-a ar\u0103tat, \u00een august 1955, Biroul Politic al CC al PMR luase ini\u0163iativa de a cere Moscovei plecarea unit\u0103\u0163ilor militare sovietice sta\u0163ionare \u00een Rom\u00e2nia. Reac\u0163ia lui Hru\u015fciov fusese una di\u00e2e nemul\u0163umire, iar \u00een aprilie 1956, Biroul Politic al CC al PMR calificase drept eroare cererea prezentat\u0103 liderului sovietic. C\u00e2teva luni mi t\u00e2rziu, c\u00e2nd,\u00a0 \u00een plin\u0103 revolu\u0163ie ungar\u0103, se crezuse c\u0103 URSS dore\u015fte s\u0103 a\u015feze pe noi baze raporturile ei cu \u0163\u0103rile-satelit, conducerea comunist\u0103 de la Bucure\u015fti a hot\u00e2r\u00e2t s\u0103 reitereze cererea. Dup\u0103 interven\u0163ia sovietic\u0103 din 4 noiembrie 1956, reluarea acestei probleme devenea extrem de delicat\u0103. La 15 aprilie 1957 s-a semnat un acord rom\u00e2no-sovietic privind „sta\u0163ionarea temporar\u0103” a trupelor sovietice pe teritoriul Rom\u00e2niei, preciz\u00e2ndu-se c\u0103 ele „nu se amestec\u0103 \u00een treburile interne” ale RPR.<\/h4>\r\n

Oric\u00e2t de st\u0103ruitoare ar fi fost cererile de la Bucure\u015fti, hot\u0103r\u00e2rea nu putea veni dec\u00e2t de la Moscova. \u00cen 1958, ea a consim\u0163it s\u0103-\u015fi retrag\u0103 trupele din Rom\u00e2nia din urm\u0103toarele motive: a)URSS era interesat\u0103, atunci, \u00een continuarea politicii de destindere lansat\u0103 dup\u0103 moartea lui Stalin, pentru a c\u00e2\u015ftiga un r\u0103gaz necesar \u00eent\u0103ririi poten\u0163ialului s\u0103u militar. Interven\u0163ia militar\u0103 sovietic\u0103 \u00een Ungaria oprise cursul destinderii \u015fi \u00eenghe\u0163ase „spiritul Genevei”. Era, a\u015fadar, necesar\u0103 o ac\u0163iune care s\u0103 dea un nou impuls politicii de „coexisten\u0163\u0103 pa\u015fnic\u0103” \u015fi s\u0103 reafirme ata\u015famentul Moscovei la destindere. Retragerea trupelor sovietice din Rom\u00e2nia, hot\u0103r\u00e2t\u0103 de Pactul de la Var\u015fovia la 24 mai 1958, era o astfel de ac\u0163iune, cu at\u00e2t mai potrivit\u0103 cu c\u00e2t- dat fiind pozi\u0163ia geostrategic\u0103 a Rom\u00e2niei, care nu avea frontiere cu vreo \u0163ar\u0103 „capitalist\u0103” nu afecta cu nimic interesele de securitate ale URSS; b) \u00een acel moment, Moscova era angajat\u0103 pe plan intern \u00een atingerea a dou\u0103 obiective fundamentale: fabricarea rachetelor balistice intercontinentale (primul „Sputnik” a fost lansat \u00een 1957) \u015fi dezvoltarea produc\u0163iei bunurilor de larg consum (popula\u0163ia, supus\u0103 \u00een timpul lui Stalin la mari restric\u0163ii, d\u0103dea semne de nemul\u0163umire). A\u015fa cum ar\u0103ta Hru\u015fciov \u00een memoriile sale, sta\u0163ionarea unit\u0103\u0163ilor militare sovietice \u00een afara frontierelor sovietice era mai costisitoare dec\u00e2t prezen\u0163a lor \u00een interiorul URSS.<\/h4>\r\n

Retragerea a avut loc \u00een iunie-iulie 1958 (se pare ca \u00een acea perioada in Rom\u00e2nia, se aflau 25149 de militari sovietici) ; potrivit dispozi\u0163iilor, au avut loc mitinguri care celebrau prietenia „ve\u015fnic\u0103” dintre cele dou\u0103 \u0163\u0103ri \u015fi recuno\u015ftin\u0163a Rom\u00e2niei fa\u0163\u0103 de URSS.<\/h4>\r\n

Mult mai important \u015fi mai durabil dec\u00e2t aceste manifesta\u0163ii, ce nu \u00een\u015felau pe nimeni, a fost valul de arest\u0103ri \u015fi excluderi din partid \u015fi UTM care a \u00eenso\u0163it plecarea solda\u0163ilor ro\u015fii din Rom\u00e2nia. Cea de a doua glacia\u0163iune sau noul \u00eenghe\u0163, a c\u0103rui atmosfer\u0103 isteric\u0103 a fost fidel prezentat\u0103 de Petru Dumitriu \u00een romanul s\u0103u cu cheie \u00cent\u00e2lnire la Judecata de Apoi<\/em>, a urm\u0103rit dou\u0103 obiective: a) s\u0103 dovedeasc\u0103 Moscovei c\u0103 liderii de la Bucure\u015fti aveau o ascu\u0163it\u0103 vigilen\u0163\u0103 revolu\u0163ionar\u0103, neiert\u0103toare fa\u0163\u0103 de cea mai mica abatere de la „linia” partidului; b) s\u0103 intimideze popula\u0163ia \u015fi, \u00een primul r\u00e2nd, intelectualitatea, devenit\u0103 mai \u00eendraznea\u0163\u0103 \u00een faza destinderii, pentru a evita orice surpriz\u0103\u00a0 dup\u0103 plecarea for\u0163elor militare sovietice.<\/h4>\r\n

Ofensiva politic\u0103 \u015fi ideologic\u0103 – \u00een fapt, represiv\u0103 \u2013 a lovit pe liderii de partid cazu\u0163i \u00een dizgra\u0163ie ( fostul lupt\u0103tor ceferist, apoi generalul C. Doncea, fostul ministru de Interne Pavel \u015etefan, Grigore R\u0103ceanu etc.), demnitari ai regimului \u201eburghez\u201d \u015fi intelectuali de marc\u0103 (procesul C. Noica-Dinu Pillat), p\u00e2n\u0103 la speciali\u015fti ( istoricii care constataser\u0103 teza caracterului \u201eimperialist\u201d al particip\u0103rii Rom\u00e2niei la primul razboi mondial, ca Andrei O\u0163etea, Barbu C\u00e2mpina, Eliza Campus \u015fi Nicolae Fotino ) \u015fi simpli \u0163\u0103rani, care criticaser\u0103 colectivizarea.<\/h4>\r\n

Industrializarea \u201esocialist\u0103\u201d, adic\u0103 dezvoltarea cu prec\u0103dere a industriei mijloacelor de produc\u0163ie \u00een detrimentul industriei bunurilor de consum, \u015fi \u201etransformarea socialist\u0103 a agriculturii\u201d au fost continuate, \u00een spiritul totalei fidelit\u0103\u0163i fa\u0163\u0103 de modelul sovietic. \u00cen primavara anului 1962 s-a anun\u0163at \u00eencheierea colectiviz\u0103rii agriculturii. \u201eDe moarte \u015fi de colhoz nu pute\u0163i sc\u0103pa\u201d , spusese Gheorghiu-Dej unor \u0163\u0103rani veni\u0163i s\u0103-i arate abuzurile autorit\u0103\u0163ilor locale \u00een procesul de colectivizare a agriculturii. Aceste cuvinte deveneau acum realitate. Rezultatele – chiar dac\u0103 nu au c\u0103patat propor\u0163iile dezastruoase din URSS \u2013 au fost tot at\u00e2t de nefaste. \u0162\u0103ranul considera gospodaria agricol\u0103 colectiv\u0103 cu totul str\u0103in\u0103 de interesele sale \u015fi \u00ee\u015fi concentra toate eforturile asupra lotului individual ce \u00eei fusese l\u0103sat, ceea ce explica ponderea \u00eensemnat\u0103 de\u0163inut\u0103 de produc\u0163ia acestor loturi \u00een aprovizionarea ora\u015felor.<\/h4>\r\n

Unul din factorii decisivi ai pr\u0103bu\u015firii socialismului a fost ignorarea doctrinei lui N.I. Buharin potrivit c\u0103reia edificarea socialismului reclama o \u0163\u0103ranime bogat\u0103 \u00eentruc\u00e2t: a) ea reprezint\u0103 o pia\u0163\u0103 pentru produsele industriei autohtone, necompetitive pe pia\u0163a extern\u0103; b) asigur\u0103 aprovizionarea cu produse agroalimentare a ora\u015felor; c) bogat\u0103 fiind, ea poate pl\u0103ti impozite ridicate, ce pot fi utilizate pentru finan\u0163area industrializ\u0103rii. Incultura politic\u0103 \u015fi frica de a p\u0103rasi \u201eexperien\u0163a\u201d sovietic\u0103 au f\u0103cut ca liderii politici de la Bucure\u0163ti s\u0103 ac\u0163ioneze sub obsesia tezei lui Lenin c\u0103 mica produc\u0163ie de m\u0103rfuri na\u015fte \u201ezi de zi, ceas de ceas \u015fi \u00een propor\u0163ie de mas\u0103 \u201e capitalism. Chiar dac\u0103 mai t\u00e2rziu, \u00een 1982, Nicolae Ceau\u015fescu va spune c\u0103 partidul nu trebuie s\u0103 se teama dac\u0103 \u0163\u0103ranul se \u00eembog\u0103\u0163e\u015fte , \u00een realitate, de-a lungul \u00eentregului regim comunist s-a urm\u0103rit limitarea posibilit\u0103\u0163ilor de initia\u0163iv\u0103 economic\u0103 a \u0163\u0103ranului, condamnat s\u0103 r\u0103m\u00e2n\u0103 prizonierul nerentabilului sistem colhoznic.<\/h4>\r\n

Material preluat din „O istorie sincera a poporului roman”, Florin Constantin, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, Bucuresti 2008<\/em><\/h4>\r\n

<\/h4>
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Invazia sovietica din 4 noiembrie 1956 in Ungaria l-a facut pe Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej sa in\u021beleaga, vazind cu ce usurinta KremlinulRead More<\/i><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":647,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_crdt_document":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[15],"tags":[590,59,60,1239,254,789,602,179,788,274,281],"class_list":["post-4037","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-hegemonia-sovietica","tag-cc","tag-desteptati","tag-desteptati-va","tag-gheorghiu-dej","tag-kremlin","tag-pcr","tag-pmr","tag-romania","tag-sovietic","tag-stalin","tag-urss"],"rise-blocks_total_comments":0,"rise-blocks_categories":[{"term_id":15,"name":"Hegemonia Sovietica","slug":"hegemonia-sovietica","term_group":0,"term_taxonomy_id":15,"taxonomy":"category","description":"","parent":0,"count":8,"filter":"raw"}],"rise-blocks_excerpt":"Invazia sovietica din 4 noiembrie 1956 in Ungaria l-a facut pe Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej sa in\u021beleaga, vazind cu ce usurinta Kremlinul schimbase pe liderii de Budapesta in func\u021bie de interesele sovietice, ca se impunea ca\u0219tigarea sprijinului popula\u021biei, plecarea trupelor sovietice din Romania dar si existen\u021ba unui raport adecvat intre componen\u021ba etnica a conducerii de partid \u0219i componen\u021ba etnica a \u021barii. 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